Editorial: A GOP health plan

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Chicago Tri­bune Edi­to­rial
October 28, 2009

Democ­rats in the U.S. House and Senate have spent the spring, summer and fall grap­pling with how to fix the health care system. They’re still trying to craft a bill they can sell to Amer­i­cans — or even explain in plain English.

And the Repub­li­cans? Well, as the minority party, they’re mainly on the side­lines. They’ve become the party of “no,” sniping at every Demo­c­ratic health care reform idea without pro­moting any of their own. Right?

Not entirely.

Over the summer and fall, Repub­li­cans in the House and Senate have intro­duced six — yes, six — health care reform pro­posals. You didn’t hear? Well, those plans didn’t pro­duce much of a ripple because Democ­rats dom­i­nate the Congress.

But now Repub­li­cans are weighing a shift in strategy. Instead of taking more pot­shots, some Repub­li­cans say their party should present a coherent alter­na­tive to what­ever final Demo­c­ratic plans emerge in the House and Senate. Repub­li­cans on the House Ways and Means Com­mittee report­edly are drafting leg­is­la­tion the GOP could intro­duce when Democ­rats bring their pro­posals to the floor.

Here’s hoping they do. Rep. Mark Kirk, R-Ill., who spon­sored a health reform bill, said recently: “The job of the oppo­si­tion is not just to point out all the flaws in leg­is­la­tion coming to the floor, but to offer ideas for how you would fix it.”

He’s right. Others offering pro­posals: Rep. Tom Price of Georgia, Rep. Paul Ryan of Wis­consin, Rep. Roy Blunt of Mis­souri, Rep. John Shadegg of Ari­zona and Sen. Jim DeMint of South Car­olina.

We don’t agree with every­thing in these bills. But the GOP pro­posals con­tain smart ideas to increase choice and com­pe­ti­tion in the health insur­ance market — a pow­erful Repub­lican coun­ter­point to the Democ­rats’ expen­sive plans. The ideas include:

–Let insurers sell poli­cies across state lines. That would loosen the stran­gling state-by-state reg­u­la­tions and unleash com­pe­ti­tion to drive pre­mium prices down.

–Give people who buy insur­ance in the pri­vate market the same tax breaks as those who get it through employers. Now, employers that offer cov­erage get a tax break on the pre­miums they pay for employees. And employees don’t pay taxes on the value of the cov­erage they receive. People who want to buy insur­ance in the indi­vidual market should get the same tax breaks. That would help mil­lions of people acquire coverage.

–Expand the ability of small busi­nesses, trade asso­ci­a­tions and other groups to set up insur­ance pools to offer cov­erage at more attrac­tive rates.

–Con­trol health costs in part by reining in the med­ical mal­prac­tice system that raises insur­ance pre­miums and forces doc­tors to order tests to pro­tect them­selves from law­suits. Lim­iting cer­tain kinds of damage awards would reduce spending on health care by about $11 bil­lion in 2009, or about one-half of 1 per­cent, the Con­gres­sional Budget Office esti­mates. Think about that in human terms: Reform would save mil­lions of patients the expense and trauma of unnec­es­sary tests and procedures.

These excel­lent ideas could expand cov­erage for the unin­sured without cra­tering the fed­eral budget or curbing the com­pe­ti­tion and inno­va­tion that drive the U.S. health care system. Repub­li­cans should keep pushing them — and ruling Democ­rats need to give them a full and fair hearing.

Copy­right © 2009, Chicago Tri­bune

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7 Responses to “Editorial: A GOP health plan”

  1. Mike Kroll says:

    What is inter­esting here is how care­fully the Trib edi­tors cherry-picked a few attrac­tive ideas from bills that are oth­er­wise little more than insur­ance industry pro­tec­tion acts.
    I think there would be wide agree­ment with elim­i­nating state reg­u­la­tion of health insur­ance (excepting the state reg­u­la­tors them­selves) and extending income tax breaks to indi­vid­uals who pur­chase pri­vate health insur­ance. And obvi­ously per­mit­ting the cre­ation of large insur­ance pools that either small busi­nesses or indi­vid­uals may buy into would be wel­come as well but this can only work if very large widely encom­passing pools are formed.
    The issue of med­ical mal­prac­tice is much more com­pli­cated how­ever. In those states that have already imple­mented tort reform the results have not matched pro­po­nents expec­ta­tions of sav­ings in med­ical mal­prac­tice insur­ance costs. What tort reform has accom­plished is to greatly limit the option of civil lit­i­ga­tion to remedy bad med­i­cine.
    The bigger ques­tion in my mind is why must insur­ance com­pa­nies be kept involved in health­care? What does their par­tic­i­pa­tion bring to the table other than con­tribute hun­dreds of mil­lions of dol­lars in extra costs and profit?
      

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  2. Dan Hiett says:

    I could make a strong case that many news out­lets cherry pick favor­able points in the health care pro­posals being dis­cussed by the House and Senate.  I believe the quest for profit cre­ates the most lean and effi­cient system pos­sible.  How is a huge gov­ern­ment health plan going to be moti­vated to be effi­cient?  It is well doc­u­mented that insur­ance com­pany profit mar­gins are 3%.  Why not make other indus­tries  the target of your out­rage.  Doc­tors, phar­ma­ceu­tical com­pa­nies, hos­pi­tals, attor­neys, MRI mfg’s, etc. , etc make much higher profit mar­gins.  And, do a little research, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Illi­nois admin­is­ters many of the gov­ern­ment health plans, Medicare and Med­icaid, in the state of Illi­nois.  If gov­ern­ment is the answer why do they con­tract this out to pri­vate insurers?

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  3. Jim Jacobs says:

    Dan,

    When the Repub­li­cans announce that they are shifting their strategy so that “Instead of taking more pot­shots, [they] should present a coherent alter­na­tive .…” that is an admis­sion that up to now they have only carped in the absence of their own coherent plan.

    Indeed, some of the ideas Repub­li­cans such as Aaron Schock, con­gressman from Illi­nois’ 18th, have sug­gested are either knock­offs of ideas already proposed—-for instance allowing young people to stay longer on their par­ents insurance—-or they are tricks designed to destroy Medicare and Med­icaid by cyn­i­cally using pri­vacy regulations.

    How­ever, let’s take a look at three of the sug­ges­tions men­tioned in the article: selling across state lines, allowing busi­nesses to pool, and malpractice.

    To begin with, selling and buying health insur­ance across state lines would require exactly what many Democ­rats and vir­tu­ally all liberal/progressives want—-and what you sug­gested in an ear­lier post: fed­eral insur­ance reg­u­la­tion, or as you called it, a “national stan­dard.”  That could be achieved by repealing McCarren-Ferguson (some­thing I heard Dave Dunn pro­pose months ago) and estab­lishing a depart­ment of insur­ance, or at least a national insur­ance com­mis­sion (again some­thing Dave has proposed).

    Insur­ance pooling for busi­nesses?  I am all for allowing busi­nesses to pool, but the best way to do this is via a national exchange which includes a strong gov­ern­ment choice-competition plan.   For example, small busi­nesses in Gales­burg could hold an insur­ance summit among them­selves, including both the owners and the employees, and after exam­ining all of the options, agree on a plan that would best suit their health care and finan­cial needs.

    Before leaving the topic of insur­ance pools, I should men­tion that we have his­tor­ical prece­dent to eval­uate this con­cept.  During the ’30’s and ’40’s, sev­eral rural areas across the country tried to dis­pense med­ical care through co-ops, and without a  large national pool of enrollees they simply could not sus­tain them­selves.   That is what makes the national health exchange so appealing; while fif­teen small busi­nesses in Gales­burg would be selecting a plan from the exchange, tens of thou­sands of other groups (and indi­vid­uals) across the country might be selecting the same plan.   A national exchange would pro­vide the kind of num­bers needed to sus­tain an insur­ance plan—-a pri­vate one or public one.

    Regarding mal­prac­tice: Studies esti­mate that mal­prac­tice reform would spare 1–3% on health care costs.  Okay, when you factor that into the tril­lions we spend, it’s not chump change; how­ever, it is not a silver bullet either.  What’s more, during his address to Con­gress, Pres­i­dent Obama extended some com­pro­mise to the Repub­li­cans on that issue, and in turn they dis­re­spected him.

    On insur­ance profits, an AP article on 10/25, placed the industry’s profit mar­gins at 6%.  Of course, that’s not as high as many other enter­prises, but we have to keep in mind that gov­ern­ment plans don’t have to make a profit or appease stock holders—-with one caveat: Since the late 1990’s, when pri­vate insurers became directly involved in  Medicare through Medicare Advan­tage (MA), both the the Gen­eral Accounting Office (GOA) and Con­gres­sional Budget Office (CBO) report that costs for MA  run 10–13% greater than tra­di­tional Medicare.  The GAO also reports that a sig­nif­i­cant por­tion of gov­ern­ment sub­si­dies  chan­neled to pri­vate insurers par­tic­i­pating in MA go into com­pany profits.  Why were pri­vate insurers brought so directly into the delivery of Medicare pay­ment through MA?  This came about as part of the Bal­anced Budget Act in 1997 (I think that was the year), when the twin notions of dereg­u­la­tion and pri­va­ti­za­tion per­me­ated the Wash­ington mindset, and an embat­tled Pres­i­dent Bill Clinton capit­u­lated to a Republican-controlled Congress.

    There is a great deal of back and forth on the admin­is­tra­tive costs of Medicare versus pri­vate insur­ance.  How­ever, a study con­ducted by Jacob Hacker for Berkeley’s Center on Health, Eco­nomic, and Family Secu­rity, found that between 1997 and 2006, spending per enrollee for com­pa­rable ben­e­fits grew 4.3% in Medicare and 7.3% in pri­vate insur­ance.  A number of analy­sises report admin­is­tra­tive costs for pri­vate insurers to be sev­eral times that of Medicare.   In addi­tion, there is no dis­pute that gov­ern­ment insur­ance has an advan­tage over pri­vate insur­ance in that the former does not have to spend money advertising.

    Finally, there is great incen­tive for government-run health care to deliver quality.  Gov­ern­ment pro­grams such as Medicare and the VA are open to con­stant scrutiny because they are PUBLIC. Also, with a gov­ern­ment pro­gram, when an enrollee feels they have been wronged, he or she can appeal to a rep­re­sen­ta­tive or sen­ator for redress of griev­ances. Because those public offi­cials are held account­able by the elec­torate, they will become an advo­cate for their con­stituents. In the case of pri­vate insur­ance, the agent is the policy holder’s advo­cate, and most agents make every effort to be an effec­tive advo­cate; how­ever, the agent not only has to answer to his or her client, but also to the insur­ance com­pany; and because of the profit-motive, the insur­ance provider may have a vested interest in not sat­is­fying a health care claim. 

    Dan, thanks for you ideas and the dia­logue you provide.

    Jim

     

     

     

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  4. Dan Hiett says:

    In the 20 years I have spent in the health insur­ance busi­ness I can hon­estly say that I have never had an insur­ance com­pany decline a claim that was med­ically nec­es­sary and cov­ered by the insur­ance con­tract.  What hap­pens more often than not is an ini­tial denial due to incom­plete infor­ma­tion.  For example, I recently had a customer’s claim denied because it was con­sid­ered elec­tive treat­ment.  Why did this happen?  The treat­ment for this con­di­tion was Botox injec­tions which is typ­i­cally related to cos­metic surgery.  After the denial we had the insureds physi­cian write a letter explaining that Botox injec­tions were med­ically nec­es­sary for the con­di­tion suf­fered by this insured.  As a result, United Health­care paid the claim and is paying ongoing claims.  This greedy insur­ance com­pany is paying for $3,000/ month treat­ment on this indi­vidual when the total group pre­mium is less than $3,000 per month.  Who can argue that this is unfair?  The best news is that I just received this groups renewal and they are only paying 2% more for insur­ance next year.  Only 2% more when one indi­vidual on the group spent more than the total pre­mium payed by the group last year.  Folks, I don’t come to these con­clu­sions by ide­ology, I come to them based on real life expe­ri­ence working with insureds every day.  Does every story have a happy ending?  No!  But the happy end­ings are the norm.

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  5. Jim Jacobs says:

    Dan,

    I appre­ciate your advo­cacy for your clients.   I don’t know you per­son­ally, but if Mike Kroll vouches for you, that’s good enough for me.  No ques­tion about it, you work very hard for you clients, as I believe most insur­ance agents and insur­ance bro­kers do.

    Have you ever encoun­tered a sit­u­a­tion where a health care insurer even­tu­ally paid a claim—–but only after the client had threat­ened legal action or public embar­rass­ment?  I  ask this ques­tion because my brother-in-law told me this evening that years ago his insur­ance com­pany was refusing to pay some bills incurred from my nephew’s heart surgery, while  drag­ging its heels on other bills.   After being harassed for months  by the med­ical insti­tu­tions and providers, my brother-in-law threat­ened a law suit against the insur­ance com­pany, and it promptly paid the bills.  According to my brother-in-law, the claims in ques­tion were clearly cov­ered by the insurer, yet the com­pany did what it could to delay pay­ment—- or even avoid pay­ment. Yes, the insurer paid the claims, but only after being threat­ened.  Others have told me sim­ilar sto­ries, and I just won­dered if you have ever encoun­tered that situation.

    I don’t for a minute believe that agents or even the insur­ance people we talk with on the phone are heartless—-quite the oppo­site.  I do wonder, though, if the flip-side of the old adage  “Dis­tance makes the heart grow fonder”  isn’t true for those insur­ance exec­u­tives and actu­aries who have little con­tact with suf­fering people: Because these men and women rarely, if ever, see the human face of denied or delayed claims, they lack any foun­da­tion for empathy.  It’s like when we hear on the news that a thou­sand people got drowned in flooding in some far­away place, we think it’s ter­rible but have no emo­tional invest­ment in the tragedy.

    Dan, let me know your thoughts.

    Thanks for the dialogue!

    Jim

     

     

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  6. Dan Hiett says:

    Jim,  if you want dis­tance try dealing with a gov­ern­ment bureau­crat that has no moti­va­tion to do the right thing.  He is not moti­vated by the quest for profit by pro­viding quality.  Believe me, in the insur­ance mar­ket­place quality of ser­vice is a big part of being com­pet­i­tive.  I appre­ciate your example Jim, but even your example has a happy ending.

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  7. Jim Jacobs says:

    Dan, thanks for your reply.

    Everyone on Medicare with whom I have spoken is extremely pleased with that gov­ern­ment pro­gram, as are mil­i­tary people on Tri­Care and VA.

    I know insur­ance com­pa­nies deliver quality. How­ever, what hap­pens to people who have the same sit­u­a­tion as my brother-in-law, but instead of fighting, just give up? I am asking these ques­tions not to be a smart a…, but to get infor­ma­tion from you because you are in the trenches.

    Thanks for the dia­logue, Dan.

    Jim

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