Lessons from the Massachusetts healthcare experiment

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Thanks to the state’s major over­haul three years ago, 96% of res­i­dents are cov­ered. But law­makers avoided taking on cost con­trols, and people are paying the price.

By James Oliphant and Kim Geiger — Los Angeles Times
October 16, 2009

Reporting from Wash­ington and Boston — Three years ago, Mass­a­chu­setts passed the most sweeping health­care bill in the country, adopting a plan that closely resem­bles the pro­posals being con­sid­ered by Con­gress. It is a plan that now offers pow­erful lessons learned for the whole country.

The Mass­a­chu­setts system, like the pro­posals moving toward votes in the House and Senate, focused on three goals: making med­ical insur­ance almost uni­versal, fos­tering com­pe­ti­tion through a reg­u­lated insur­ance exchange, and helping low-income workers pay for coverage.

Today, the Bay State leads the nation with 96% of its res­i­dents cov­ered by insur­ance — an even larger share than some of the plans before Con­gress would cover. The employer-based insur­ance system remains intact despite fears that the state’s health­care over­haul might cause com­pa­nies to pull back.

And at least some Mass­a­chu­setts res­i­dents who buy their own cov­erage are paying less.

But at the same time, health insur­ance pre­miums for most res­i­dents are going up, not down. Many middle-class people who had insur­ance before the over­haul see little change — except that they’re spending more and seeing little or no change in the quality of their care.

In crafting their plan, Mass­a­chu­setts law­makers ducked the tough issues of cost con­trol, including how much public and pri­vate insurers would pay physi­cians and hos­pi­tals. So the state still has some of the most-expensive med­ical care in the United States. And costs are rising faster than the national average. Far faster than wages too.

What we did was health insur­ance reform, not health­care reform,” said Mass­a­chu­setts state Sen. James Eldridge, a Demo­crat and former pro­po­nent who now regrets having voted for the bill.

Critics of the health­care over­haul bill that passed the Senate Finance Com­mittee this week say that it too doesn’t do enough to con­trol costs.

Robert Laszewski, a health­care policy ana­lyst and former insur­ance com­pany exec­u­tive, calls the finance panel’s bill “Mass­a­chu­setts all over again.” Ralph Neas, of the National Coali­tion on Health Care, says the cost pro­vi­sions that do exist focus too much on public pro­grams, espe­cially Medicare, and not enough on reducing what doc­tors, insurers and hos­pi­tals charge cus­tomers who get their cov­erage from the pri­vate market.

The long-term cost-control pro­vi­sions are few, and they do not have ade­quate enforce­ment mech­a­nisms,” Neas said.

Other experts say there’s still time to address the cost issue more force­fully as the final Senate bill is ham­mered out by Demo­c­ratic leaders later this month.

At the national level, there has not been an explicit deci­sion to post­pone cost con­tain­ment,” said Paul Gins­burg, who heads the non­par­tisan Center for Studying Health System Change. “There’s a lot of belief that we should deal with it now.”

Among those who have trouble seeing the ben­e­fits of what Mass­a­chu­setts did are 62-year-old Joan Young and her hus­band, David, who live in a suburb west of Boston. They pay more than $1,100 monthly for insur­ance, plus a $1,000 deductible each before cov­erage kicks in.

Their insurer, Blue Cross/Blue Shield, like the others in the state, says it expects to raise the price of pre­miums by 10% next year.

It’s not helping people like us,” Young says. “They forget about the middle class.”

Because Joan Young has serious med­ical issues, the couple encoun­tered another problem as well:

Mass­a­chu­setts, like Con­gress and Pres­i­dent Obama, shied away from any­thing that might inter­fere with the rela­tion­ship between con­sumers and their existing health­care insur­ance. That left the Youngs free to choose the cov­erage they wanted. But it also left them respon­sible for thou­sands of dol­lars in med­ical expenses not cov­ered by their plan.

Now that these and other prob­lems have sur­faced, the state Leg­is­la­ture is going back and trying again, this time fash­ioning poli­cies to govern insurers’ profits and doc­tors’ pay — entering a second phase of health­care reform that many ana­lysts think also lies ahead at the national level.

A spe­cial state com­mis­sion estab­lished to tackle the cost problem said that the stakes were high. Con­tinued cost growth, it said in a report this summer, “threatens the via­bility” of the health­care initiative.

On the plus side, the Mass­a­chu­setts over­haul has made things better for the 430,000 res­i­dents who pre­vi­ously had no insur­ance. The state man­dated cov­erage for almost everyone, as Con­gress is moving to do nation­ally. And as with the plans before Con­gress, it pro­vided sub­si­dies to help low-income indi­vid­uals and fam­i­lies pay their premiums.

Indi­vid­uals who make less than $32,496 a year, and low– to moderate-income fam­i­lies — those making as much as $66,155 a year for a family of four, for example — are eli­gible to buy state-subsidized plans. That has made buying a policy pos­sible for many; 165,000 people are cov­ered under such plans.

The sub­si­dized plans — in terms of access for low-income people — have been a god­send, really,” said Carol Pryor, policy director of the Access Project in Boston.

The state also cre­ated a reg­u­lated insur­ance exchange to help con­sumers com­pare and buy policies.

For some in the indi­vidual market who don’t qualify for gov­ern­ment assis­tance, the reg­u­lated exchange has pro­duced poli­cies with pre­miums as much as 20% lower, the state says.

If you are buying insur­ance on your own and you want the insur­ance, you’re in a much better posi­tion,” said Jon Kings­dale, exec­u­tive director of the state’s insur­ance exchange, the Com­mon­wealth Connector.

The price cuts have not been shared by all. Because con­sumers can still be rated by age, insurers are free to charge higher pre­miums to older con­sumers who may be more likely to incur sub­stan­tial med­ical bills. A 55-year-old could pay almost as much as before.

Beyond what it’s meant to par­tic­ular indi­vid­uals, the overall cost of the pro­gram has soared — for the state and for individuals.

Whereas the sub­si­dized plans cover only about 3% of the 5.4 mil­lion in the state who have health insur­ance, for instance, the sub­si­dies are esti­mated to carry a price tag of $1.3 bil­lion by 2011, double the 2007 cost.

One reason is that more res­i­dents applied for assis­tance than the state had pro­jected. Also, Mass­a­chu­setts has always had excep­tion­ally high health­care costs, and it still does — in part because it has some of the most-advanced and costly med­ical cen­ters in the world.

At the same time, in 2008, yearly family pre­miums here aver­aged $13,788, the highest in the nation.

Then there is the problem of under-insurance — cov­erage by budget-minded plans that have high deductibles and leave con­sumers with a much larger share of their med­ical bills than the more-expensive plans.

Moira Rioux, 45, of Ply­mouth suf­fers from an immune defi­ciency requiring monthly treat­ments that cost $6,560 each. She’s cov­ered through her husband’s employer-based insur­ance, but the policy only pays 40% of the cost of her treatments.

Rioux now car­ries two poli­cies — her family plan and an indi­vidual plan she bought through the government-regulated exchange. The second policy has helped, she said, but not enough.

How am I going to manage these costs?” she asked. “It’s nice that every­body in Mass­a­chu­setts has care at this point, but there’s still missing pieces to the puzzle.”

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